One of the most obvious things about Blair was how much to the right he was economically. But don’t be deceived because of his economics. This was the magician’s hand, his economic right hand waving back and forth wildly and keeping the British people’s eyes off what his left hand was doing to our institutions. After an impressive 13 years in power, this institutional subversion has become deeply entrenched and is now part of our everyday political, legal and social life. This is deeply alien to the British mind set. We have always believed that our institutions should not be engineered to conform to political ideology, and prefer our institutions and the men and women who work in them to be apolitical. Not the Labour Party. The Labour Party’s long period in the wilderness in the 1980s allowed it to be taken over by fanatical “progressives”. They brooded and festered about what they would do to the institutions of a country they resented if they ever did get into power. In 1997, they got the chance to act out their political fantasies when Blair swept in to Number 10.

In 1997, the Labour Party rapidly set about politicising as many pillars of British life as they could. The Civil Service was purged and leftists elevated to senior posts. Prior to Labour, the Civil Service had been scrupulously neutral. Yet just two years into the New Labour administration, UKIP MEPs were elected for the first time. As Farage has frequently recalled, the three MEPs were subjected to deeply frosty interrogation by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office bureaucrats about what their ‘intentions’ were in the European Parliament. It should be no business of the Civil Service what a political party intends to do. But the FCO, politicised by New Labour, now saw themselves as guardians of the lefts post-nation state agenda, to which UKIP were a threat.

The police were also a target and they had traditionally been apolitical. Most police staff were working class men who volunteered to protect their communities. This changed under Labour. Increasingly the police drew their recruits from sensitive, brooding, upper-middle class liberal arts graduates. They joined not out of a desire to protect their communities, but out of a desire to be praetorian guards for the left’s ideological transformation of Britain. Crimes such as burglary and mugging were viewed as a nuisance, which the New Police rarely put much effort into solving. Yet they would spare no expense to arrest anyone deemed to have violated the left’s taboos on race, gender or sexual orientation. The police were now no longer going to protect us; they would instead punish those of us who did not believe the approved political and cultural positions of the Labour Party’s ruling ‘elite’.

The Labour Party also set about boosting leftist elements of the charity sector. Left of centre charities were fire hosed with limitless amounts of taxpayers’ cash. This gave them the ability to crowd out apolitical charities and push increasingly aggressive leftist agendas. This alerted some people to complain this could violate the ban on political activity by charities. To get around this, the Labour Party brought in the Charities Act, giving their client charities more legal room for manoeuvre. They then set about providing useful civil society cover for the political class. Traditionally, charities were viewed as apolitical, but not to the Labour Party. Certain charities would be boosted and propped up because they pushed for the ‘correct’ political and cultural changes.

This politicisation of our institutions is deeply worrying, and most British people missed it because they were so awed by how surprisingly to the right Blair was on the economy whilst he was politicising them. One of the priorities for a future government must be to dismantle this unhealthy insertion of New Labour ideologues into sensitive positions in the police, civil service and charity sector.

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