The morning of 24th June 2016 was a glorious one. We had come first in the 2014 European elections, we had polled 3.8 million votes and come second in many seats in the 2015 General Election. Now we had won the referendum, against the vested establishment interests. The giant was waking. The people had spoken and demanded change. Not only that, but looking at the electoral map, Leave had won most strongly in Labour’s traditional working class heartlands. History presented us with a once-in-a-century opportunity to supplant Labour as the leading party of opposition, replacing them with a party campaigning for, rather than against the interests of ordinary people and shifting the political centre of gravity to the right of over-compromised Tories.

It wasn’t to be though. The rest is history. Our talented leader, who had done so much to build up the party and to great extent was its personal embodiment in the public mind, resigned 10 days later. Following this, UKIP has collapsed through infighting, incompetence, lack of purpose and a series of failed leaders whose very public embarrassments turned the party into a laughing stock, on the verge of bankruptcy, our activists disillusioned, our membership falling away and our share of the vote collapsed. Now Henry Bolton, with his brain in his underpants and inept handling of the media storm around his personal life, bone-headed intransigence and staggering lack of self-awareness, might just finish us off.

But what if UKIP didn’t just collapse naturally, inevitably or just through serial bad luck? What if it was quite intentionally destroyed? … And destroyed by none other than our heroic former leader and a close circle of people around him?

Bad things happen to you in this country if you lead a socially conservative anti-globalist movement which successfully appeals to the masses – especially if you break the taboo around discussing issues associated with immigration – which UKIP had done in the referendum campaign, despite the reticence of Vote Leave.

Mass immigration is a Ponzi scheme in which the profits are privatised and the benefits socialised. Business enjoys a growing market, plentiful cheap labour willing to work long hours under poor conditions and the ability to bring in skilled workers from overseas without the expense of training them. Property developers and landlords, particularly in London, do well. Meanwhile housing, hospitals, schools, transport systems and other services all come under pressure. The traditional working class bears the brunt of it. Their neighborhoods are transformed by foreign cultures, their communities are dispersed and crime rises. They are undercut in the jobs market and priced out of the housing market.

Politicians and economists argue that we need young immigrants of working age to pay for the pensions of our ageing population. This is a fallacy though, as those immigrants will themselves bring over their dependants, call on public services and grow old, requiring an ever-increasing supply of new immigrants.

While mass immigration runs counter to their interests on so many levels, the party and political philosophy which is supposed to represent the working class and relies on their votes, enthusiastically embraces mass immigration and demonises any criticism of it. While the disadvantages to the white working class are exacerbated by the invertedly racist multiculturalist double standards, settled immigrants suffer similar economic disadvantages resulting from new immigration. This leaves traditional working class communities not only unrepresented, but deceived and betrayed.

Mass immigration, along with the multiculturalism and identity politics leading on from it, has been possibly the biggest social transformation engineered since World War Two, not just in Britain, but in all Western nations. While it is principally economically driven and for the benefit of the traditional bastions of wealth and power, much has been done psychologically to sell it to the masses – from the hijacking of socialism to create an emotive morally hectoring narrative, through the media, art and popular culture with its celebrity virtue-signalling and identity of youthful hipness to cultural Marxism throughout every institution, pushing the agenda into every corner of everyday life.

The establishment are petrified by the prospect of a political movement which mobilises ordinary people in opposition to mass immigration, globalism and the ideological narrative which continues to cause so much damage to the interests of everyday people and the fabric of our society as a whole. This is especially true for centre-left parties and NGOs, who stand to be exposed as frauds and see their popular support base evaporate.

Jayda Fransen is fighting to stay out of jail. Tommy Robinson has been thrown in jail numerous times, been chased out of towns by the police, had his businesses destroyed, his friends and family harassed and more. For Britain is struggling to get registered with the Electoral Commission (in our supposed democracy we have a state commission which decides whether you are approved to stand as a political party) and is already getting its meetings shut down. Even Affiniti recently tweeted, “The issue with the Application Form was the least of our concerns. Some members of the team were subjected to the most serious and repeated acts of intimidation.”

Nigel Farage and UKIP however appear to have been spared the kind of state intimidation meted out to others. I’ve always put this down to UKIP’s traditional affinity with the eurosceptic right of the Tory party, that many of its supporters are respectable middle class former Tories, in some cases members of the House of Lords, and the party’s adherence to a libertarian economic philosophy non-threatening to business. Also, UKIP has always been very careful to distance itself from the “far right”.

However, if the powers that be feel so threatened by fringe groupings as to go to the effort of making it very hard for them to operate, don’t you think they would have regarded UKIP as a so much bigger threat? … Especially when we gave the establishment such as spectacular bloody nose by winning the Brexit Referendum.

Perhaps … just perhaps … Nigel Farage got nobbled by the security services along the way …

[To be continued in Part Two tomorrow.]

 

Print Friendly, PDF & Email