When mischief in Mrs May’s misnamed Withdrawal Agreement with the European Union is mentioned in the media, we usually only hear about the so-called Backstop. This vexatious Backstop is called the Protocol on Northern Ireland in the Agreement. But if Mrs May’s misnamed Withdrawal Agreement gets through Parliament in time, then the transition period will start on 29th March 2019. And from then on Britain will be in peril on a sea of troubles far worse than any Backstop.
Article 131 in the Agreement allows all EU councils and other bodies, including the EU Court of Justice, to retain their present powers over Britain in the transition period. But Article 7 in the Agreement says that Britain will have no representation on any EU bodies during the transition period. So, the British government will have no vote or veto in the transition period against EU decisions that damage the United Kingdom.
We rarely, if ever, hear in the media, printed or electronic, about the Joint Committee set up to carry out the Agreement in the transition period. It is a joint EU & UK committee, but the Court of Justice of the EU will have the final word in resolving disputes on it. This is because the Agreement is a legal document and its implementation a legal matter, and the CJEU is the supreme interpreter of EU law in any disputes between the EU and UK sides of the Joint Committee.
The Arbitration Panel set up in Article 168 to resolve disputes on the Joint Committee is just a fig leaf for the Court of Justice of the European Union, which intervenes in Article 174. So, the United Kingdom is there on the Joint Committee only for the sake of appearances, as the Court of Justice will always rule in favour of the European Union side.
Articles 164 to 169 in the Agreement give the Joint Committee enormous power over the Agreement’s implementation in the transition period, which will include most things that matter. Clause 2 of Article 166 says that the decisions of the Joint Committee “will be binding” on the EU & UK. In other words, the EU Court of Justice, through the EU side of the Joint Committee, will overrule the British government throughout the transition period.
So, Britain in the transition period (towards its total subjection) will be ruled by the EU as a colony which the EU can loot at its leisure. Britain will be subject to taxation without representation. The Joint Committee may double the £39 billion currently suggested as the annual penalty on British taxpayers for their rebellion on the 23rd June 2016.
The Joint Committee could place Britain under martial law, one of the policy options that Whitehall mandarins have been considering recently if there are riots in British cities. And the European Gendarmerie Force could be requested to enter Britain to suppress any resistance to the rule of the Joint Committee. In Parliament, while Mrs May was Home Secretary, a deputy Home Office minister said that it was willing to invite the EGF onto British soil. That must have been Mrs May’s policy.
Government ministers of an EU member country can ask for the assistance of the European Gendarmerie Force, but the EGF remains under the central command of the EU after it enters the territory of any member state. It is unlikely that a member state would invite the EGF onto its territory unless it was a whole-hearted supporter of the EU central government in Brussels. Mrs May evidently has no fears about inviting the EGF onto British soil, which indicates that she is a whole-hearted supporter of the EU central government in Brussels.
We should remember the Protocol on the Privileges and Immunities of the European Communities in the Brussels Merger Treaty of 1965, now in the Lisbon Treaty. By that Protocol, the bureaucrats of the EU Commission granted themselves a lifelong legal immunity for any acts they committed during their EU duties. That immunity has spread through later EU legislation to all officials and other servants of the EU (including Europol). The proliferation of that legal immunity gives a free hand to EGF personnel to commit murder and any other crimes in the course of their EU duties on British soil.
Article 132 in the Agreement says that the Joint Committee can, before 1st July 2020, extend the transition period “until 31st December 20XX”. At first, the transition period will only be until the end of 2020, as Article 126 says. But the EU members of this Joint Committee can recommend before July 2020 that Britain’s transition period should be extended until 31st December 2099.
If the UK side of the Joint Committee disputes that, then the dispute can only be referred to the joint Arbitration Panel. Article 168 says that only the Panel can arbitrate disputes on the Joint Committee. The Panel is unlikely to agree on a decision, as like the JC, the numbers on its EU & UK sides are equal. The Panel’s only purpose seems to be to funnel JC disputes to the Court of Justice of the EU.
Therefore, the dispute will be referred to the Court of Justice, which has a constitutional duty to work “towards the ever-closer union of the peoples of Europe”. Which transition period for Britain will work towards the ever-closer union of the people of Europe? One ending on the 31st December 2020, or one ending on the 31st December 2099? The Court of Justice will rule in favour of the one ending on 31st December 2099, to keep Britain closer to the European Union.
So, from the start of the transition period, Mrs May’s misnamed Withdrawal Agreement sets up an EU dictatorship over Britain until the end of 2099, known as the Joint Committee. The 23rd June 2016 saw a massive vote against EU rule, and Mrs May’s misnamed Withdrawal Agreement intends to crush British resistance to EU rule, if necessary, by force. Oh, and by the way, clause 10 of Annex VIII in the Agreement says that the proceedings of this Joint Committee will be “confidential”, in other words, secret.
When the “31st December 20XX” becomes the 31st December 2099 the BBC, also known as the Brussels Broadcasting Corporation, will not be allowed to tell us about it. Although the BBC never broadcasts any news anyway that Brussels doesn’t want us to know anyway. Like those eight decades under the Direct Rule of the European Union through its Joint Committee. Those eight decades under the jackboot of the EU are waiting for Britain now, in Article 132 of Mrs May’s (No) Withdrawal Agreement.