Editor ~ Part one was published yesterday here on Independence Daily.

 

Recommendation 13 in the MacPherson Report is for police practice and is that “The term racist incident must be understood to include crimes and non-crimes in policing terms. Both must be reported, recorded and investigated with equal commitment”. So all acts (crimes and non-crimes) can be perceived or interpreted as “racist” and subject to police investigation.

“Non-crimes” deemed racist are termed “non-crime racist incidents”. The police can pursue the law-abiding (“non-crimes”) in their search for anybody “perceived” as racist. Recommendation 14 extended this guidance to those employed in local government or “other relevant agencies”, that are anywhere in the public sector.

Recommendation 39 was that racist speech “not in a public place” should be investigated; in other words, “racist” speech in private places, such as family homes. MacPherson implicitly recommends that, as in the former Soviet Union, schoolchildren should be encouraged to report the remarks of their parents, and that family homes should be invaded by hidden listening devices to enable detection of politically incorrect “racist” talk.

“Political Correctness” suppresses rational discussion in the areas where it holds sway. “Politically Correct” is a phrase imported from the former Soviet Union, where political dissent (political incorrectness) was a crime. But dissent is a police matter now in Britain too. At Wildern School in Hampshire, a teacher caught 15-year-old Joe Taylor looking at the website of the United Kingdom Independence Party on his computer. The police were called, and an officer told Joe and his father Mick, that what Joe had done was dangerous and “not right”. Looking at UKIP’s website was “wrong”, and showed that Joe was politically unreliable, and too curious for his own safety.

Likewise, in Rotherham, a fostering couple with an exemplary record had their foster children suddenly taken from them by social services staff. They were told that the “local safeguarding children team” had received an anonymous tip-off that they were members of UKIP and that UKIP had “racist policies”. Joyce Thacker, head of Rotherham’s children’s services, said that the children had been at risk from the foster couple’s “strong views”. This happened while underage Christian girls were being routinely raped by “grooming” gangs of Muslim men in Rotherham.

The search for “racists” by the police has ensured that spontaneous conversation is now dangerous in Britain. People have to be careful about what they say, even in their most casual conversation, just as in the former Soviet Union. People are now afraid to express certain opinions, for fear of being reported on social media or to the police.

Voiced concern about schools & housing being overwhelmed by immigrants is perceived as “racism”. As when erstwhile Prime Minister Gordon Brown dismissed lifelong Labour voter Gillian Duffy as a “bigoted woman” for expressing such concern. Penalties are now placed upon opinion. This reduces the trust that binds friends and acquaintances together, trust that can harbour resistance against Britain’s slide towards a police state.

Meanwhile, the police have an exciting task allotted to them by MacPherson, that of policing other people’s attitudes, beliefs, and opinions. The police must detect “institutional racism” that is pervasive throughout public institutions, although by its nature, it is covert & hidden—hidden as it is a matter of “unwitting” thoughts and feelings, attitudes, and states of mind. Consequently, this Racism can only be “perceived” or inferred, because thoughts are not available to public examination, like words or deeds.

So MacPherson had to insist on a presumption of guilt of Racist thought, as when Recommendation 12 says that racism is anything perceived as such, and consequently a racist is anyone perceived as such. (Anybody is racist if perceived as such, anyone who gets in the way…Question: “Why is he/she/it racist ?” Answer: “Because I say so !”). Anyone could be denounced as a class enemy or an Enemy of the People in the former Soviet Union. Anyone, anywhere, at any time, can be denounced as a racist in Britain now, or as an Uncle Tom if they are black.

Jack Straw, then Home Secretary, said in Parliament that he wanted the MacPherson Report to “act as a catalyst for permanent and irrevocable change, not just across our public services but across the whole of society”. That statement is on page 2 of the 2002 Hate Crime Manual of the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO). On page 7, it continues, “Colour-blind policing means policing that purports to treat everyone the same way. Such an approach is flawed and unjust”. From then on, the police were not to treat everyone the same way but to give groups supposedly oppressed by Racism and other Hate Crime more protection than others.

MacPherson in 1999 gave Black advocacy groups the preferential treatment that they wanted for black people. But there were other advocacy groups also, those for the gay, lesbian, bisexual & transgender lobbies, the feminists, and Islamists among them. So it was that ACPO and the Crown Prosecution Service [CPS] developed the concept of the Hate Incident.

The ACPO and CPS are agreed that a Hate Incident is a crime or non-criminal offence (such as verbal aggression) that any member of an “oppressed” group perceives as springing from hatred of the “oppressed” group that they belong to.

So if you have a row with a lesbian over a parking space, that is a Hate Incident, if she perceives that you are shouting at her because she is gay, even if you don’t know that she is gay. Since MacPherson, anyone can unexpectedly be labelled as a Hate offender without any intention of committing Hate offence.

And many people have been labelled Hate offenders without committing a crime. Hate “offences” are recorded in the same police database as crimes, so that “non-crime hate incidents” appear in DBS criminal background checks on unfortunate job applicants.