Written by David Allen

 

Reform UK is a UK registered political party borne of the temporary but hugely effective The Brexit Party, with an agenda to reform/change/update/refresh/renew (in fact, insert any meaningless word here) politics in the UK, yet despite regular radio appearances and support in the ever-helpful Daily Express, when it comes to collecting real votes, nothing much happens.

So why is this? Is it just a matter of time, or is this party heading the same way as other well-meaning yet ineffective political agents of the past, including the enormously successful UKIP, and the former and very well-known band of heavy hitters, the Social Democrats?

I wanted to take a closer look at what they have to offer and see if there might be a way to break the mould. That something needs to change in our political infrastructure is clearly necessary, when a formerly robust and stable democracy can just vanish overnight to be replaced by nothing less than a dictatorial cabal, something needs to be done? How could this be achieved? Does Reform UK have the right people and the right strategy to make this happen, or is it all just another ego trip for those given a temporary voice before fading into ex politician oblivion with occasional radio and TV opinion?

Before wading into the depths, I want to tell you a story.

The importance of being local

There exists in the southerly sunshine of England a constituency called Tonbridge and Malling. It is in the heart of a blue part of the country and since its formation, and before, has elected a conservative MP with an astonishing majority at each election. The borough council’s 51 seats are dominated by Conservatives and the town division of the County Council, likewise, returning Conservative candidates at every election for a huge majority of the 81 seats in the county as a whole. It is, or perhaps was, the very fortress of conservatism and it didn’t seem to matter how badly the government was doing of how well the opposition fared, it always went Conservative. Even the landslide of 1997 couldn’t dent the Conservative vote there.

I’ve been a keen campaigner since 2012 and candidate since 2016 and stood in the 2021 elections to offer people a choice. Originally that was to have been for Reform UK, because I thought support for them was greater than it turned out to be. When I discovered that there would only be 8 Reform UK candidates out of the 81 county council seats contested, I chose to stand as an independent. As it turned out the result was better than many Reform UK candidates elsewhere.

However, in the Kent County Council elections May 2021 the Tonbridge Division of Kent County Council went Green, and not just Green, Green by some margin. Quite an upset.

Nationally, the Green Party are non-existent, recent utterings from Baroness Jones about national curfews for all men from 18:00 hours every day, should have caused even the wokest of beardies to chuckle nervously, but it made no electoral difference on this occasion. We know that local elections aren’t treated seriously by the electorate, but that’s not changed, and the Conservatives have always won before. We know that the existing councillors were spectacularly anonymous, generally ineffective, and simply voting fodder, but that’s also always been the case, so what changed?

Two things:

  • Firstly, the Green party had two councillors in one of the 26 wards in the Tonbridge and Malling administrative area, which is a little different geographically from the Tonbridge and Malling parliamentary constituency, but not by much. They had built a reputation for being available and helpful, which was effectively promoted long before this election was contested. It turns out that if you answer the phone and respond to people, they notice.
  • Secondly, they ran an enthusiastic and highly energetic campaign and managed to gather a great deal of the kind of essential support that elections need, particularly the significant number of poster-displays, which are hugely underestimated and extremely valuable. When people who are thinking of supporting a party, see physical evidence of lots of other people showing support it can be convincing and in this case it clearly was. This successfully created a separation in the minds of their voters between local Greens and National Greens. Enough for them to win.

The net effect of the absence of negative sentiment, combined with the general disinterest people show for local elections, and most importantly an extremely well supported and enthusiastic campaign, sealed a spectacular victory, the effect of which, I suspect, will be carried through into the Borough council elections in 2023 for the 7 town wards of the 26 contested. Oddly support for the Greens, outside the town wards themselves, is miniscule.

The point of this little story is that even a parliamentary election is a local election. People will consider different things, of course, but the election itself is simply the summary of 650 elections conducted locally. A strong local campaign is a necessary part of winning elections and even UKIP at its strongest point with around 600 local constituency associations could rarely gain enough active support in each constituency to campaign in the manner needed to win. If the campaign is big enough, strong enough, persistent enough, and with the right candidate I believe that any majority can be overturned, even Tonbridge and Malling.

It is simply a reality that people are reluctant, for a variety of reasons, to do anything practically to support a political campaign. The activist is a rare animal indeed. People also don’t tend to join political parties, so constituency membership is always a fraction of the voting populace. Typically, a parliamentary constituency will have around 70,000 voters, even a major party may only have membership in the hundreds and the willingness to get out there being somewhere between 1 in 50 and 1 in 100, shows how little the ordinary voter cares about who wins. Likewise, many aren’t prepared to declare allegiance with posters, so even if people are minded to cast their vote in your direction, they aren’t prepared to do anything else to secure a victory. This only goes to show how exceptional the Green Party campaign was.

Another highly material factor is existing office. If your party or group already hold office as Parish, Town, Borough, Unitary authority, London and other city assemblies, or County councillors, the chance of further electoral victory is increased. As a councillor you have the ear of people, media and organisations that the ordinary citizen does not. Also, your party’s councillors are obliged to turn out and campaign in elections other than their own. After all they’re being paid. One failing by the Tories in this recent Tonbridge Division election was that they took their victory for granted, ran a lacklustre campaign with two uninspiring candidates that failed to use their privileged position when they were in office.

Another example of how important the ground campaign is, as seen by experienced campaigners, was the general election of 2015. It was so important to the Conservative party to win the seat of South Thanet and to beat the UKIP leader Nigel Farage that their officers engaged in criminal electoral activity by bussing in hundreds of people from elsewhere to boost the physical campaign on the ground. The successful Conservative candidate Craig Mackinlay was charged along with the election agent Nathan Gray and the Conservative party employee Marion Little. The cheating worked and Mackinlay won by less than 3000 votes. He and Gray were acquitted, and Little was convicted with a 9-month suspended sentence for electoral fraud.

Two interesting asides to this incident are, firstly that Mackinlay kept his victory and his seat despite proven criminal activity, and he himself was a founding member of UKIP and a former deputy leader.

However, the point is that local effort wins elections, it makes enough of a difference to be regarded as essential and without it, any of it, campaigns will fail. For the established parties, some seats are very safe, but for newbies and opposition, everything is an uphill struggle.

Reform UK has no party outside Richard Tice’s office. No constituency associations, no local organisations of any kind, no sitting councillors where UKIP had thousands. It is inconceivable that in an FPTP election they could achieve enough electoral support to win seats when UKIP couldn’t, the Social Democrats couldn’t and even a longstanding party with very good local organisations in a few places, the LibDems, can’t. It is highly conceivable that, as happened with the UKIP candidate in the Brecon and Radnor by-election 2019, they’ll be beaten by the Monster Raving Loony Party sometime, somewhere, and there’s nowhere to go after that. 

 

[Part 2 will be published here tomorrow.]

 

 

Photo by Paul Albertella