Mrs May’s misnamed Withdrawal Agreement was defeated in the House of Commons on 15th January 2019 by 230 votes, on 12th March by 149 votes and on 29th March by 58 votes. But now we witness the triumphal return of Mrs May’s undead Withdrawal Agreement (see my 4th September article and 5th October letter, both exclusively in Independence Daily).

It has returned disguised as Boris Johnson’s Revised Withdrawal Agreement and Political Declaration, eagerly agreed by EU leaders in the European Council on 17th October 2019. Anyone can read it online. It was agreed by the Commons last Friday.

Only the protocol on Northern Ireland, known as the backstop, has been significantly changed from Mrs May’s agreement. Instead of the United Kingdom border with the European Union being between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic, it is now in the Irish Sea between the UK and Ireland.

So Boris Johnson’s ‘oven ready deal’ concedes the EU’s bygone stipulation of a united Ireland as a single EU region, and effectively cedes Northern Ireland to the EU. But this backstop has always been only a decoy to attract attention away from what’s worse in this falsely named Withdrawal Agreement.

EU bureaucrats smuggled in the EU Constitution disguised as the Treaty of Lisbon, after it was voted down in referendums in Holland and France. Likewise the Eurocrats have smuggled in Mrs May’s misnamed Withdrawal Agreement, disguised as Boris Johnson’s supposedly new ‘oven-ready deal’, although the only disguise is the amendment to the backstop that cedes Ulster to the EU. Nothing else has changed except the numbers of the pages and articles and clauses shifted around.

As before, Articles 164 to 166 of the ‘New’ Withdrawal Agreement set up a joint committee to alone interpret and apply the ‘new’ Withdrawal Agreement in the transition period of Britain’s departure. This committee will have equal numbers on the EU and UK sides. As the articles make clear, this committee will have sole control over the relationship between the EU and the UK in the transition period, however long that transition period lasts. That relationship between the EU and UK will include most things that matter.

Clause 2 of Article 166 on page 269 says that the decisions of this joint committee will be ‘binding’ on the EU and UK. So this unelected joint committee will overrule the elected British government. Clause 1 of Rule 10 of Annex VIII on page 516 says that the meetings of the joint committee will be confidential. Consequently this committee’s meetings will be in secret (‘confidential’ means private, and therefore secret).

Then only these private people on the UK side of the confidential joint committee can stand up for Britain against the EU in the transition period, if they choose to. Article 168 (Exclusivity) says that all disputes between the EU and UK sides on this confidential committee must go exclusively to the arbitration panel set up in Articles 171 to 181. There can be no appeals by the UK side to international law outside the EU against the joint committee’s decisions.

As the joint committee (not Parliament) interprets and applies the Withdrawal Agreement, Whitehall has tacitly accepted that this Withdrawal Agreement is part of EU law, not international law. But agreements between sovereign states are part of international law, not part of the law of a federal state or federation of states.

By accepting that the UK can only appeal against the decisions of the joint committee to EU bodies, Whitehall has surrendered UK sovereignty and accepted Britain’s status as a province in the EU empire. This new Withdrawal Agreement will reduce British provincial status to colonial captivity.

As before Clause 1 of Article 174 says that where a dispute submitted to arbitration raises a question of EU law, then the Court of Justice of the EU will make a decision binding on the arbitration panel. That clause means that the UK members of the joint committee will always be overruled by the EU side.

As the Withdrawal Agreement is an EU legal document, all disputes arising from its interpretation and application can be seen as legal disputes subject to the rule of the Court of Justice of the EU. Clause 1 of Article 174 makes the rest of the Articles 167 to 181 in Title III (Dispute Management) redundant. And it makes the UK side of the joint committee redundant also.

Article 132 in the 14th November 2018 Draft Withdrawal Agreement allowed the joint committee to extend the transition period to ‘31st December 20XX’. So the transition period would be extended to the 31st December 2099. That has been the purpose of the Withdrawal Agreement from its first appearance on the scene.

That ‘20XX’ clause is apparently missing from the ‘new’ Agreement. The ‘20XX’ clause made the intentions of the bureaucrats too obvious. But what if the EU side of the joint committee proposes to extend the transition period to the 31st December 2099 anyway, and the UK side disputes that? The Court of Justice of the European Union will decide who wins that dispute.

There is hardly any change in Boris Johnson’s Withdrawal Agreement from Mrs May’s, apart from the surrender of Northern Ireland to the EU. As the WA has now been passed by the Commons, the Eurocrats and Whitehall mandarins have achieved their aim of suspending democracy in Britain. Our elected Parliament will be overruled by an all-powerful secret junta known as the joint committee.

That joint committee will control the relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom. That committee is free to turn Britain into a captive colony of the EU, in a transition period that never ends. That withdrawal of democracy is Whitehall’s response to the Leave victory on 23rd June 2016 which showed that British people cannot be trusted to submit to EU rule.